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Project concept note: teacher training for refugees in eastern Africa and the Horn testosterone associations with erectile dysfunction diabetes and the metabolic syndrome order cheap kamagra chewable on line. The challenge of peace is an ancient concern impotence vacuum device cheap kamagra chewable 100 mg with mastercard, one that has preoccupied religions across the world for millennia erectile dysfunction treatment pdf purchase kamagra chewable now. John Ferguson has observed that "Of the great religions Christianity and Buddhism have been the most clearly pacifist in their origins and essence" impotence forum purchase kamagra chewable 100 mg with visa. Yet Ferguson also notes that even these religions "have been deeply involved with militarism from a fairly early stage in their history" (1978: 157). Such gaps between words and action have led some towards despair, among them religious studies expert Raimon Panikkar, who has concluded that "religions have contributed precious little to the keeping of peace" (1999: 187). It has spawned, among other developments, a cottage industry of recent literature, manuals and initiatives, both secular and religious, designed to promote peaceful behaviour and resolve conflicts. But such efforts have been regularly confronted by more violence, in addition to waves of powerful messages of heroism and redemption through war and violence. In popular culture, just wars and righteous warriors are much more prevalent than peace and pacifists. As Joanna Bourke has commented, "Long before any prospect of real combat, boys and girls, men and women, [create] narratives of pleasure around acts of killing", concluding that "it is not difficult to see the attraction of combat literature and films" (1999: 4­5). But if "martial combat has become an integral part of the modern imagination" (ibid. Reflecting on African youth, Ali El-Kenz explains that, in the globalized modern world, "the frustration of the young is aggravated by imaginations which feed on television, radio and cinema". He lists "Bruce Lee, Rambo and an infinite succession of James Bonds" as among their most 1 the author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Mwachofi Singo, who served as a Field Researcher during fieldwork in Kenya, and Betsy Mull and Alberta P. Addison, who both served as Research Assistants during the archival research phase. Mr Singo is a Lecturer with the Department of Government and Public Administration and Associate at the Centre for Refugee Studies, Moi University. Kainz has noted that "elaborate and detailed philosophical thinking about peace comes to the fore primarily in the last five centuries". He adds that, "It is probably no accident that the last five centuries have also witnessed the emergence to pre-eminence of that peculiar institution, the nation state" (1987: x). The Sierra Leone case, Paul Richards notes, documents the peculiar power of Rambo. There, youths have interpreted the movie character from the initial First Blood movie as "a trickster figure in the classic West African mould" (1996: 59) caught up in a conflict that "serves to wake up society at large to the neglected cleverness of youth" (ibid: 58). Richards further notes that Liberian and Sierra Leonean rebel leaders, "alert to the political potential of the Rambo message" (ibid. In a world where attempts at cultivating cultures of peace are confronted by the fact that "it is a small step from the culture of violence to its actual practice" (El-Kenz, 1996: 55), refugees and other forced migrants, most of them victims of violence, struggle to re-establish peaceful lives. It is not an easy task, particularly for youth, who are frequently drawn into violent activities. Examining some of these initiatives and considering the context of violence in refugee youth lives will be the subject of this report. It will also investigate the lives of a primary peace education target group in refugee populations ­ refugee youth ­ to understand the violence they confront and their responses to it. Since refugees constitute one of many groups involved with peace education activities, the report will review literature and knowledge about peace education to situate refugee experiences in a broader context. It will also examine literature and knowledge about refugee and other youth involved in violence. Refugee youth have been highlighted as "the most explosive segment" of a population in conflict-related situations (Retamal and Devadoss, 1998: 87). In the highly influential report prepared by Graзa Machel on children in armed conflict, education for forced migrant adolescents is recognized as "particularly effective in assisting [their] psychosocial wellbeing" and "keeping them out of military service" (Machel, 1996: 56). In addition to military recruitment, this population is also considered "at high risk of prostitution, indoctrination. One of the central problems involving refugee youth is the wide variety of ways in which they are defined. Lowicki (2000) notes, for example, that the World Health Organization defines them as people between 10 and 24 years old. The Lutheran World Foundation in the Kakuma refugee camps in Kenya states that they range from ages 7 to 40.

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However impotence from vasectomy buy cheap kamagra chewable 100 mg on-line, if mental health treatment can affect performance reviews erectile dysfunction drugs and heart disease generic 100mg kamagra chewable, it could potentially have adverse consequences for career progression erectile dysfunction drugs singapore buy discount kamagra chewable. Individuals who have left active duty are assigned a probability of working in the civilian sector and a civilian wage-these outcomes are influenced by mental health status as well as other factors erectile dysfunction medication causes purchase genuine kamagra chewable line, such as age and sex. For those with a mental health condition, we reduced the probability of working and wages conditional on working based on a study of mental health condition and productivity in a group of Vietnam veterans (Savoca and Rosenheck, 2000); these estimates imply a 15. Because the reduction in wages associated with major depression in this study is high relative to similar studies of the civilian population (Ettner, Frank, and Kessler, 1997), we used a more conservative figure in our low-cost scenario. Although these rates are slightly lower than the rates reported by Savoca and Rosenheck (2000), they combine physical and mental disabilities. Military compensation policies imply that wages for active duty personnel are almost completely determined by rank and years of service. They found that there were statistically significant differences in total compensation, including benefits, across enlisted per5 For example, the annual earned-income loss for an individual with a 10-percent mental health disability rating is $7,676, compared with $2,543 for an individual with a 10-percent physical disability rating. However, since military wages cannot adjust as easily, the cost of presenteeism among active duty servicemembers may be disproportionately borne by DoD, which pays workers a fixed salary for lower-quality work. Because we have no data that would enable us to quantify the combined effect of reduced promotion probabilities and increased presenteeism for active duty servicemembers, our baseline scenario assumes that productivity within DoD is reduced by half of the civilian productivity-reduction factor found in Savoca and Rosenheck (2000). In our low-cost scenario, we assumed that mental health conditions have no effect on wages within DoD; in our-high cost scenario, we assumed that mental health conditions have the same effect for active duty and non­active duty workers. At each quarter, individuals with a mental health condition have a probability of death from suicide. We assigned the probability of a suicide attempt using the age-specific probability of a suicide attempt prior to treatment for major depression in a population of veterans (Gibbons et al. It is the tradition in cost-of-illness studies, whether estimated for a year or over a period of time, to include the full lifetime loss associated with early death at the time the death occurs (Hodgson and Meiners, 1979; Hodgson and Meiners, 1982; Rice, Kelman, and Miller, 1991; Harwood, Fountain, and Fountain, 1998). Other cost categories consider only actual costs incurred during that period, consistent with the cost-of-illness approach. The probability of dying conditional on a suicide attempt is derived from the 2006 Army Suicide Event Report (U. Because both the rate of attempted suicide and the rate of suicide conditional on attempt used in our analysis are based on suicide attempts that led to contact with the health care system, these estimates likely understate the true costs of suicide. Specifically, we were unable to capture either "minor" suicide attempts that required no medical treatment or serious attempts and completions that might have been recorded as accidents. To address this issue, we increased the probability of a suicide attempt by 25 percent in our high-cost model estimate. Consistent with research showing a high rate of attrition among active duty personnel hospitalized for mental disorders (Hoge et al. In all model scenarios, we assumed that individuals without mental health conditions and individuals in remission from mental health conditions have a zero probability of suicide. Costs in our model came from treatment expenditures, lost productivity, and costs associated with suicide. Because the medical costs of evidence-based treatment (pharmaceutical costs and psychotherapy visits) are higher than the medical costs associated with usual care and no care, any cost savings associated with evidence-based care compared with usual care stem from secondary effects. Such savings include better productivity outcomes, lower risk of suicide, and fewer treatment episodes over the modeled time frame (because of both a higher probability of treatment success and, in the case of major depression, a lower probability of relapse). We assumed that medical care costs related to suicide, which come from Corso et al. The studies used to derive this estimate are based on wage-risk trade-offs, whereby researchers use differences across occupations in wage and risk of dying to estimate an approximate value of life for a statistical individual. In our analysis of E-5s, we calculated high, low, and "baseline" cost estimates that allow key parameters to vary, using ranges of parameters found in the literature. Rather than allowing each model parameter to vary across the three scenarios, we only varied model parameters for which there was a great deal of uncertainty and that were likely to have a large 8 the literature draws a distinction between a statistical life and an identified life. A statistical life represents a hypothetical individual who might be saved by a particular intervention or policy change. The value of an identified life would far exceed the value of a statistical life and cannot be appropriately valued using economic techniques.

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